Everything about Ftaa totally explained
The
Free Trade Area of the Americas (
FTAA) (
Spanish:
Área de Libre Comercio de las Américas (ALCA),
French:
Zone de libre-échange des Amériques (ZLÉA),
Portuguese:
Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (ALCA),
Dutch:
Vrijhandelszone van de Amerika's) was a proposed agreement to eliminate or reduce the trade barriers among all countries in the
Americas. In the latest round of negotiations, trade ministers from 34 nations met in
Miami,
Florida,
United States, in
November 2003 to discuss the proposal.
(External Link
) The proposed agreement was an extension of the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) between
Canada,
Mexico and the
United States. Against the market are positioned
Cuba,
Venezuela and later
Bolivia,
Ecuador,
Dominica and
Nicaragua, which entered the
Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas in response, and not strongly opposing but not supporting
Argentina,
Chile and
Brazil.
Discussions have faltered over similar points as the
Doha Development Round of
World Trade Organization (WTO) talks; developed nations seek expanded trade in
services and increased
intellectual property rights, while less developed nations seek an end to
agricultural subsidies and free trade in agricultural goods. Similar to the WTO talks,
Brazil has taken a leadership role among the less developed nations, while the United States has taken a similar role for the developed nations.
Talks began with the
Summit of the Americas in
Miami on
December 11,
1994, but the FTAA came to public attention during the
Quebec City Summit of the Americas, held in
Canada in 2001, a meeting targeted by massive
anti-corporatization and
anti-globalization protests. The Miami negotiations in 2003 met similar protests, though perhaps not as large. The last summit was held at
Mar del Plata,
Argentina, in
November 2005, but no agreement on FTAA was reached. 26 of the 34 countries present at the negotiations pledged to meet again in 2006 to resume negotiations, but no such meeting took place.
In previous negotiations, the United States has pushed for a single comprehensive agreement to reduce trade barriers for goods, while increasing intellectual property protection. Specific intellectual property protections could include
Digital Millennium Copyright Act-style copyright protections, similar to the
U.S.-Australia Free Trade Agreement. Another protection would likely restrict the reimportation or cross-importation of pharmaceuticals, similar to the proposed agreement between the U.S. and Canada.
Brazil has proposed a measured, three-track approach that calls for a series of bilateral agreements to reduce specific tariffs on goods, and a hemispheric pact on
rules of origin and dispute resolution processes. Brazil seeks to omit the more controversial issues from the agreement, leaving them to the WTO.
The location of the FTAA Secretariat was to have been determined in 2005. The contending cities are:
Atlanta,
Chicago,
Galveston,
Houston and
Miami in the
United States;
Cancún and
Puebla in
Mexico;
San Juan,
Puerto Rico;
Panama City,
Panama; and
Port of Spain,
Trinidad and Tobago. The U.S. city of
Colorado Springs also submitted its candidacy in the early days but subsequently withdrew.
(External Link
) Miami, Panama City and Puebla served successively as interim secretariat headquarters during the negotiation process. As of November 2007, only Miami in the United States and Port of Spain in Trinidad appear to be actively vying for the secretariat headquarters.
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The failure of the Mar del Plata summit to set out a comprehensive agenda to keep FTAA alive has meant that there's little chance for a comprehensive trade agreement in the foreseeable future.
Membership
The following countries have shown interest at some point in becoming members of the Free Trade Area of the Americas
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History pre-1994
In the 1960s there were several modest and humble attempts at regional integration in
South America,
Central America, and the
Caribbean. The approach of these regional initiatives was to lower tariffs internally while maintaining high trade barriers against non-members. Regional initiatives included the 1960
Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), the 1960
Central American Common Market (CACM), the 1965
Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA), and the 1969
Andean Pact.
Many North American countries experienced a
debt crisis in the 1980s, such as Mexico in 1982. These debt crises contributed to a "lost decade" in terms of economic growth, the adoption of numerous stabilization and
structural adjustment programs with the
IMF, and a widespread re-evaluation of
interventionist,
protectionist and inward-looking development strategies. In 1984 the U.S. unilaterally lowered its tariffs against many states in the
Caribbean Basin, as part of its
Caribbean Basin Initiative.
Many Latin American countries took non-discriminatory steps towards trade liberalization in the late 1980s (lowering tariffs against all countries, not just selected ones). This was done partly to follow through on
GATT (now the
WTO) commitments, but also unilaterally as a domestic policy choice or at the urging of the
IMF, the
World Bank, the
IDB, and
USAID. Average
tariff levels fell to about 20% in the region by the end of the 1980s.
Another wave of regional trade agreements took place in the late 1980s and early 1990s. In 1989 the AP agreed to move towards freer trade within the region, as did CACM and the
Caribbean Community (Caricom) in 1990. The Southern Cone Common Market (
Mercosur) notably including Brazil was established in 1991 with similar plans for freer regional trade.
The U.S. entered into the
Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (FTA) in 1989, and the beginning of negotiations towards free trade between Mexico and the U.S. were announced the next year in 1990. These negotiations were soon expanded to include Canada in the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Several Latin American countries approached the U.S. after the announcement, seeking to negotiate their own bilateral free trade agreements with the U.S., but the U.S. refused to negotiate more bilateral PTAs in the region until NAFTA was implemented. Instead, in June 1990 U.S. President
George H. W. Bush announced the
Enterprise for the Americas Initiative with the goal of achieving hemispheric free trade by 2000.
In 1994 NAFTA came into force and the 1986–1994
Uruguay Round of
GATT negotiations were completed. The goal of hemispheric free trade, which had been renamed the FTAA, was postponed until 2005 primarily at the request of Canada and the U.S.
Opposition and critics
Huge movements have opposed the FTAA at every stage of its development. A coalition of senior citizens, labor groups, environmentalists, human rights advocates and peace advocates as well as concerned citizens have protested both major meetings of the FTAA.
A vocal critic of the FTAA is
Venezuelan president
Hugo Chávez, who has described it as an "
annexation plan" and a "tool of
imperialism" for the exploitation of Latin America . As a counterproposal to this initiative, Chávez has promoted the
Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (
Alternativa Bolivariana para las Américas, ALBA), based on the model of the
European Union, which makes emphasis on energy and infrastructure agreements that are gradually extended to other areas finally to include the total economic, political and military integration of the member states.
Also,
Evo Morales of
Bolivia has referred to the US-backed Free Trade Area of the Americas, as "an agreement to legalize the colonization of the Americas."
On the other hand, the presidents of
Brazil,
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, and
Argentina,
Néstor Kirchner, have stated that they don't oppose the FTAA but they do demand that the agreement provide for the elimination of US agriculture
subsidies, the provision of effective access to foreign markets and further consideration towards the needs and sensibilities of its members.
One of the most contentious issues of the treaty proposed by the United States is with concerns to
patents and
copyrights. Critics claim that if the measures proposed by the US were implemented and applied this would prevent scientific research in Latin America, causing as a consequence more inequalities and technological dependence from the developed countries. On the issue of patents, some critics of the FTAA, such as
Canadian nationalist Maude Barlow, have accused the US of attempting to patent Latin America-made inventions. On the
Council of Canadians web site, Barlow wrote: "This agreement sets enforceable global rules on patents, copyrights and trademark. It has gone far beyond its initial scope of protecting original inventions or cultural products and now permits the practice of patenting plants and animal forms as well as seeds. It promotes the private rights of corporations over local communities and their genetic heritage and traditional medicines."
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Agreements
Implementation of a full multilateral FTA between all parties would be eased by enlargement of existing agreements.
North America, with the exception of
Cuba and
Haiti (which doesn't participate in economic integration with the
Caricom) are almost finished to set up a subcontinental free trade area. At this point Agreements within the Area of the Americas include:
Previous Agreements
: Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (1988; superseded by the NAFTA)
- (superseded by DR-CAFTA)
- (superseded by a Costa Rica - CARICOM FTA).
Current Agreements
: United States-Chile Free Trade Agreement (2004)
: United States-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (2008)
Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA; incl. Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic; 2008)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- -- - Mercosur (1991)
Proposed Agreements
Active Negotiations
- just pending approval by the Costa Rican parlament.
: Panama - United States Trade Promotion Agreement (2008?)
: Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement (2008?)
Negotiations on hold
: US-Ecuador Free Trade AgreementFurther Information
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